Sneak peeks
Moroccan diplomats are now all over the Western world to try to sell their autonomy proposal for Western Sahara, in the capitals that matter. First on the list was France, and both Moroccan and French official reactions made a point of Morocco chosing Paris (instead of Washington) as its first stop. Chirac, who has brought Morocco and France closer than ever on this issue, said he thought the plan was "constructive", but without commenting directly on what to do with it at the UN. In response to a predictable Polisario shock-and-dismay response, French officials made minor clarifications with no intention to clarify anything. As usual, both Moroccan and Polisario propaganda seems to read too much into the statements, each in their way. If anything, one would have expected a more enthusiastic French response, since France is jealously guarding its role as Morocco's best friend abroad, against increasing attempts by Washington to take primacy in the region. (Perhaps later comments about the importance of "territorial integrity" in Africa were intended to make up for that?)
Then came Spain, a slightly second-rank player in Western Sahara, not to mention in the Security Council, but important nevertheless. Foreign minister Moratinos "listened with interest" to the plan, but then had the poor taste to evoke the principle of self-determination.
Last but certainly not least of Western Sahara's big three was Washington. US officials "appreciated" the "promising" plan and made clear they are generally supportive of Morocco presenting autonomy as a compromise, but also said they want it presented on schedule (more below), and there were no hints that they would support its imposition over referendum plans.
All three of the main diplomatic supporters of Morocco have thus nodded some sort of encouragement to the plan, but also carefully guarded their step, and refused to commit themselves to it in any way. Possibly, especially in the case of Washington, that may be because it isn't official yet, nor fully completed. It can still be subject to radical change through putting in the right exemption clauses and other tricks, until a final version is on the table -- or, it can then be presented in such a way as to subtly alter the content. This lack of knowledge of course bothers neither Polisario nor Algeria, who have launched a series of preventive strikes, slamming it as a destructive "mirage"; nor does it trouble the Moroccan parties and press, who have predictably lined up to cheer it as a groundbreaking achievement without even knowing the basic outlines.
But in the Western pro-Moroccan capitals, reactions are more guarded. France has always been fully committed to Morocco, while the US and Spain (since the shift of government) are also generally pro-Moroccan, but most of all just interested in seeing the end of the dispute, and with no messy consequences. For them, that means the plan must be credible enough to sap the support of Polisario and so force it and Algeria to concessions -- because right now, Sahrawi support is clearly moving towards independence, with Polisario making important inroads in a number of the historically pro-Moroccan tribes (such as the Tekna Aït Oussa, which Polisario once wanted to bar from voting: today, its most famous member is pro-independence icon Ali Salem Tamek). That, in turn, means that all sides are now waiting for the final presentation, which Morocco has said will come in April, to see if it holds up to scrutiny. And then Morocco had better deliver, because with patience running out and Algeria a distinctly more attractive partner for Western states than it was ten years ago, Rabat may always not enjoy the support it presently does.
But wait, April? Yes, UNSC resolution 1720 set the date of April 30, 2007 as the new expiration date for Minurso. Chances are, then, that Morocco whips out its new plan on, say, April 25th, and leaves the Council no time to react, thus winning another six-month postponement. On the other hand, even the staunchest of Moroccan allies have voiced some irritation at the repeated delays in the Security Council, after Morocco started used this tactic again and again to wriggle free of SC action in the wake of the Baker Plan embarrassment. Is another April fool's joke coming up in 2007, or will this be it? The big plan? Either way, expect nothing but a new six-month extension for Minurso: all the importance lies between the lines in the Council's resolution, in what attitude it takes to the mission's final goal. As of today, and since 1991, it has been to keep the peace and to organize a referendum where the Sahrawis freely choose between Morocco and Polisario. How to change that after 15 years without coming off as a cheater?
7 comments:
Considering that in 1974, Spain only counted 536 Sahrawis in the 'Varias del Norte' category (Ait en Nos, Ghomara, Lamiar, Rhamna, Rif Sraghna, Oulad Aisa, Oulad Settou, Zenata, Ait Oussa, Ait Yara, Azouafit, Bni Bouyahya, Bni Zeroual, Chnagla, Chraga, Entifa), the Ait Oussa being only one 'sub-fraction' among them, is there any wonder why Polisario tried to block a wholesale Ait Oussa participation in the referendum as Morocco demanded?
Also, I wouldn't underestimate Spain's influence in the conflict. Spain is very ambivalent, but I think the US would gladly like to see Madrid take a larger role. Spain has always been a member of the 'Friends' group for Western Sahara and is in constant consultation with Washington and Paris on the issue.
-SW
Aït Oussa: No, I still don't think they should cave on that, or that they even have a right to -- Polisario approval doesn't negate international law. Populations historically present in the territory have self-determination rights, others don't. The wider Aït Oussa clearly don't. Tamek can cheer from the sidelines when the others go voting, and then go collect a well-earned honorary citizenship if his side wins, but in a lawful referendum he has no business being. (Barring that his family has some personal history in WS, but I never heard that.)
On Spain: I don't know, are they that ambivalent nowadays? The present government may talk the self determination talk, but it walks a very Moroccan walk.
Ait Oussa: I'm sorry, I took it that you did not agree with the Ait Oussa being disenfranchized from the referendum. Indeed, Polisario was sticking to international law, though in a very strategic/cynical way. It seemed clear in May 1975 that most Sahrawis in Spanish Sahara wanted independence, so Polisario wanted to limit to those Sahrawis, whichh is the norm. Decolonization is based on a territory, not ethnicity. Otherwise you get the kind of ethno-irredentism that the UN wanted to avoid in decolonization. Drawing arbitrary temporal and territorial boundaries might be unfair, but opening up those boundaries for political reasions (as we saw in the 1990s with MINURSO) creates far more problems.
But even if we take your position seriously -- 'Populations historically present in the territory' -- then any Hassaniyyah speaking tribe with at least one member in Spanish Sahara in 1974 means that the whole tribe can vote. Decolonization was based a Liberal territorial-individual conception of persons, not groups, having the right to vote. Right or wrong, that was the name of the game.
On Spain: The Spanish government's position is conditioned by the domestic pressure favourable to Polisario and its State interests, which are towards Morocco but moderated by the need for ties with Algeria. This results in the current government's back-and-forth statements from 2004. What I term ambivalence.
However, it was Spanish pressure following Baker's resignation that finally prompted the selection of a new Personal Envoy. This came after Spain tried (stupidly) the French postion, pushing for Moroccan-Algerian talks.
But even if we take your position seriously -- 'Populations historically present in the territory' -- then any Hassaniyyah speaking tribe with at least one member in Spanish Sahara in 1974 means that the whole tribe can vote.
Then I'm expressing myself clumsily. I mean populations here as in "people", "individuals", not them and their distant relatives who've lived somewhere else for five generations.
Then again, I can see that WS presents a special problem, due to nomadism being so common (even if that is often overdone; by 1974 surely a crushing majority of Sahrawis were settled). It's simply hard to decide what counts as "having been present in the territory", and for that reason you might for purely practical reasons want to do some counting on a tribal or family basis.
But that would only make sense if there's clear evidence that the whole or most of the tribe regularly lived in Western Sahara pre-1975, and more so than in Morocco/Mauritania etc. In the case of the Aït Oussa and other "contested tribes", what evidence I've seen clearly points to the contrary: only occasionally did mmbers of these tribres venture into Spanish Sahara as traders or raiders, and they had been settled deep inside Morocco since a long time before 1975. Or 1958 or 1934 for that matter.
bslemma im a lawyer from uk england .....my comment is this i feel the ait oussa cannot legally be called a sub fraction or faction because no human being or tribe or group is worth less thyan another we are all human beings or not o0k you dont have to or shouldnt have to be a lawyer to see or know this .....i think some people are misrepresenting tribes to gain political advantage in the same way adolf hitler used certain words and propaganda to denigrate racial characteristsics of the jews
re alles comments this person hides behind words as i see this person says that the wider ait oussa do not have self determination rights,.... what right has alle to say this no one tribe should have dominance ove r another he mentions international law well international law gives rights also duties to all human beings can i hear a cogent argumenet from alle ref to ait oussas being legally denied human rights? also a right to self determination
Hi Fayruzf, and thanks for your comment. Look, you misunderstand me: I'm NOT saying that people belogning to Aït Oussa are worth less than anyone else by calling them a subfraction. I'm referrering to that this group is considered part of larger fractions and the Tekna federation as a whole.
As for self-determination rights, they belong in international law to "the people of Western Sahara", which means anyone who lived there before the demographical changes caused by the Moroccan takeover this caused (refugees out, Moroccans in), should be part of a referendum. This definition has nothing to do with race or tribe, and indeed, many Aït Oussa are included in it, although not the majority that lived permanently in Morocco, outside Western Sahara.
If one were to include every tribe that has a small number of members in Western Sahara, that WOULD be a tribal/racial way to do things -- and it would also lead to the inclusion of most of both Mauritania and southern Morocco in Western Sahara's independence vote.
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